Below is a statement published by Resolve Ogaden Coalition:

Located in the eastern province of Ethiopia, the Ogaden region continues to be a hotbed for conflict between the Ethiopian government and liberation movements, most notably the Ogaden National Liberation Front. For decades the region has been systematically isolated and inaccessible to the international community, humanitarian organizations, international media, and inter-governmental organizations all remain expelled from the territory. Historically, the Ogadeni people have endured marginalization by successive Ethiopian regimes, and still maintain no socio-political or economic connection with the rest of the country.

It can be concluded that the conflict and suffering in the Ogaden is a direct result of the colonial scramble for Africa during the past hundred years and more. For the last half of the 19th century, Great Britain, France, Italy, and their local agent Ethiopia (than called Abyssinia), had on numerous occasions constructed boundary agreements partitioning Somali-inhabited regions of the Horn of Africa without the knowledge or consent of its people. During this period feuding European powers greatly increased the nation’s military capacity, partly because of European merchants who supplied Abyssinian forces with modern arms.

The British defeat of Italy in World War II paved the way for Ethiopian ambitions in the Ogaden.  Soon after the defeat, British forces illegally transferred Ogaden territory to Ethiopia, and did so without the knowledge or consent of the local population.  This transfer took place in three stages that occurred in 1948, 1954 and 1956.

Instead of democratically and humanely dealing with its Somali population, as the newly established government in Kenya had, the Ethiopian Empire took a more radical approach.  It embarked on a campaign of vengeance and suppression in the Ogaden. Since then, successive Ethiopian governments have used polices of terror, rape and brutalization, mass imprisonment, even the burning of entire villages to deal with its colonized Somali population.

 In 2007 an ONLF attack on a Chinese-operated oil facility prompted the Ethiopian government to launch an intense counterinsurgency campaign against the ONLF and its civilian population. The Ethiopian government’s counterinsurgency campaign can only be described as extreme crimes against humanity. Satellite images by the American Association for the Advancement of Science confirm reports that the Ethiopian military burned entire villages in remote areas of the Ogaden.

Recently the Ethiopian government has preoccupied its self with constructing negotiations with what it says are “factions” of the ONLF.  It must be noted that such negotiations have yet to gain credibility among the Ogaden Diaspora. ONLF representatives have stated that these claims by the Ethiopian government are a last attempt to divert attention from the nation’s recent sham elections which have been tainted with accusations of fraud and manipulation. The ONLF has also released statements claiming that the organizational structure of the liberation front remains intact.

In a recent press conference Prime Minister Meles Zenawi claimed that there is one particular clan fighting against his government in the Ogaden region and that government forces would take all necessary measures to combat the rebels. With these latest statements it has become clear that the Ethiopian government has constructed a campaign to divide and rule the people of the Ogaden, in addition the government has begun sponsoring its own local militias to combat the ONLF. Such state sponsored militias are similar to the Janjaweed in Sudan who have been responsible for the displacement and violence of millions of Darfurians.

We urge the Ethiopian government to halt the sponsoring of local militias and to abandon its recent actions of classifying and naming particular clans as “rebels”. Furthermore we call upon the Ethiopian government to withhold from engaging in unproductive “negations,” and rather to strengthen its democratic institutions and practices for the advancement and benefit of its people.  It must be noted that the Ogaden National Liberation Front remains whiling to negotiate with the Ethiopian government, with the condition that such talks take place in a neutral third party nation, and with the full engagement and monitoring of the international community in order to ensure that a just and lasting solution is achieved.

To the international community!

We recognize that the Ogaden conflict cannot be resolved without the participation and mediation from the international community.  Thus we of Resolve Ogaden Coalition urge foreign and regional governments with influence including the United States, United Kingdom, and China to publicly call upon the Ethiopian government to halt all hostilities against civilians.

In addition, we urge the above stated nations to openly call upon the Ethiopian government to permit full and undistributed access to all areas of the Ogaden for access and use of humanitarian organizations, human rights agencies, media, as well as regional and international government officials. Furthermore, we urge the United Nations to spearhead an independent and transparent investigation into gross human rights abuses. We also urge the United Nations to openly address the longstanding issue of Ogaden self-determination. Furthermore, we strongly encourage donor states and the international community to privately and publicly call upon the Ethiopian government to engage in direct talks with the Ogaden National Liberation Front, and to make military assistance to Ethiopia dependent on the government’s participation in such talks. 

Furthermore, recognizing that the Ogaden conflict is fueled by historical and current political injustice, we have come to the conclusion that no amount of humanitarian aid will resolve the Ogaden conflict and that a political resolution is needed to ensure lasting peace and justice throughout the region.

Resolve Ogaden Coalition is a national non-profit organization dedicated to ending the conflict in the Ogaden region of Ethiopia by any means possible. Resolve Ogaden Coalition advocates for the Ogadeni people’s fundamental and universal right to self-determination, democratic rule of law, and regional development and stability.  Resolve Ogaden Coalition is determined to pressuring the international community in recognizing the suffering inflicted upon the people of Ogaden. In addition, Resolve Ogaden Coalition desires to engage the Ethiopian government to implement policies that will open the door to a legal referendum to self-determination for the inhabitants of the Ogaden.

Western governments may consider the rising power of the militant group Al Shabab a major threat to the Horn of Africa. But they have learned enough from the ill-fated US military intervention of 1991-93 – portrayed in “Black Hawk Down” – to know that Western troops are not the solution.

Yet, as the Al Qaeda-backed fighters take control of much of Somalia‘s rubble-strewn capital, Mogadishu, there is certainly plenty of reason for the West and for democratic African countries in the region to be concerned. On Aug. 24, Al Shabab claimed responsibility for a suicide bombing in a part of Mogadishu thought to be under government control, an event that killed more than 30, including six members of parliament.

Until the tottering three-year-old interim Somali government stands up to the challenge, the best hope for stability lies in the 6,000-strong African Union peacekeeping mission (AMISOM), manned primarily by troops from Uganda and Burundi and funded mostly by nations worried about the threat of a terror haven in East Africa.

“There are not many countries lining up to join this mission,” says E.J. Hogen­doorn, head of the Horn of Africa mission for the International Crisis Group in Nairobi, Kenya. “Everyone is concerned, but no one wants to be the one risking their forces’ lives.

“Now we hear of reinforcements for AMISOM, but even the Ethiopian contingent numbered 40,000 troops, and they still weren’t able to pacify the place,” he adds. Ethiopia occupied Somalia from 2007 to 2008, when Al Shabab was less formidable.

It’s not that Somalia has been free of foreign intervention. In the two decades since the fall of Somalia’s last government, the country has accepted massive foreign food relief; today, half the population survives on foreign food aid. But foreign troops tend to strengthen the hand of extremist politicians of either the nationalist or religious sort, and the legacy of the US intervention and the Ethiopian invasion has been a network of warlords who are difficult to dislodge.

Sheikh Ali Mohamoud Rage, Al Shabab’s spokesman, said on Aug. 24 that Al Shabab would be starting a war against “invaders” – referring to the Ugandan and Burundian forces in AMISOM.

Uganda, which recently suffered a string of Al Shabab suicide attacks in Kampala, has pledged to add troops to the mission, and there are rumors South Africa may contribute to the overall protection force.

But AMISOM has said the solution will have to come from Somalia’s government. The transitional government has been adding troops in preparation for an offensive against Al Shabab, many of them trained by the European Union in Uganda. Moderate Islamist militias have made headway against Al Shabab in central Somalia.

“We have to dissipate the perception that AMISOM is looking for more soldiers to fight Al Shabab,” said AMISOM spokesman Maj. Barigye Bahoku. “Our mandate is to maintain peace and create an environment for national discussion and political settlement. We cannot directly confront Al Shabab, but we have the right to self-defense when we are attacked.”

Source; Csmonitor.com

NIAROBI (Sh. M. Network) – Henry Bellingham, the UK’s minister for Africa has Thursday gave an exclusive interview to Shabelle Media Network in Nairobi, Kenya and talked more on Somali matters and how the country could get  solution.

The minister said that it was very important to get political solution for the Somali people saying that they had talked more with the transitional government of Somalia that the British government was supporting the Somali people.

Mr. Bellingham said that they would work with both the semi-autonomous region of Puntalnd and the breakaway republic of Somaliland to enhance the UK support to the Somali people.

“UK has obviously looked at the Somali issue very carefully and it is absolute top priority for the UK not just the issue of the of piracy and terrorism, but we care much about the Somali people we want to be their part in trying to make differences for their lives and that is why working with the TFG is incredibly important. The TFG has to deliver services for the people on the ground because Somalis want to see their government is doing differences,” said Mr. Bellingham

“There must be a political solution to the problems and tragedies of Somalia and that is why we made very clear to the TFG they have got to improve their work and we are doing our best to encourage the TFG .it is not only the TFG, we are also working with the new administration of Somaliland and the administration of Puntland and we are also working with local and regional administration throughout Somalia and we take the view of anyone who wants to work with us constructively to engage with reconciliation,” he added.

During the interview, the UK British minister for Africa talked about the AU additional troops planned to be deployed to Somalia pointing out that they would reinforce the African Union Mission in Somalia  AMISOM to build their moral and added that he believed both the TFG soldiers and AMISOM would work together to get the job done.

He also said the newly appointed UN special envoy for Somalia would play crucial role for the efforts to restore the peace and stability in Somalia.

On the other hand, Mr. Bellingham talked more about the deadly twin blasts in Kampala, Uganda condemning Al-shabab for claiming the responsibility of blasts that left the lives of more than 70 people. He said al Shabaab were hurting Somalis because of their activities in southern and central Somalia.

“We are doing all we can to advise neighboring countries in their counter terrorism and we are doing all we can to make sure that any extremist jihadist in the UK who might consider coming to Somalia, we are doing our best level in those communities to persuade them this is absolute future of our course of action to prevent misery to ordinary Somalis,” said Mr. Bellingham

Mr. Bellingham urged the people who captured the British couple not harm and to release them, unconditionally and made very clear that it was a very longstanding of British government not pay hostage takers to any ransom.

Interviewed by: Shabelle’s correspondent Mr. Ahmednor Mohamed Farah (Gentleman) who is currently at the Kenyan capital, Nairobi

Source Shabelle Media ]]> http://nogob.com/2010/09/uk%e2%80%99s-minister-for-africa-gives-an-exclusive-interview-to-shabelle-talks-more-on-somalia/feed/ 0 http://nogob.com/2010/09/obama-dagaalkii-ciraaq-wuu-dhammaaday-2/ http://nogob.com/2010/09/obama-dagaalkii-ciraaq-wuu-dhammaaday-2/#comments Thu, 02 Sep 2010 18:14:06 +0000 nogobi http://nogob.com/?p=4 Read more »]]> Madaxweyne Obama ayaa sheegay in si rasmi ah loo soo gabagabeeyay hawlgalladii ciidamada maraykanka ee Ciraaq.

Houssein Aden | Washington, DC Talaado, 31 August 2010

Madaxweyne Obama ayaa sidii uu ballan qaaday xalay ku dhawaaqay in si rasmi ah uu u soo dhamaaday hawlgalkii ciidamada Maraykanka ee Ciraaq, waxaana uu sidaasi ka sheegay Khudbad dhinaca Tilifishanka laga baahiyay oo uu ka jeediiyay xafiiskiisa aqalak Cad ee magaalada Washington.

Cutubyada dagaalka ee ciidanka Maraykanka  ayaa kuwuudii u dambeeyay ay dalka ciraaq ka baxeen laba todobaad ka hor , hase ahaate madaxweynaha ayaa khudbadiisa ku soo beegay wakhtigii uu ku ballan qaaday in uu soo dhamayn doono dagaalka Ciraaq.

Madaxweyne Obama ayaa khudbadiisii xalay oo dadka maraykanku aad u sugayeen ku sheegay in ciidmada maraykanka ee ku suganaa Ciraaq ay si fiican u guteen hawshii loo diray, waxaana uu tilmaamay in dadka maraykanku ay wax badan u hureen dimuqraadiyadda iyo madaxbanaaida Ciraaq.

Madaxwyene Obama ayaa ka gaabsday in uu guul sheegto hase ahaate waxaa uu tilmaamay in bog cusub uu furmay.

Ku dhawaad 50 kun  oo askarta maraykanka ah ayaa ku hadhi doona Ciraaq, iyada oo ay dhamaan ka soo wada bixi doonaan dhamaadka sanadka soo socda ee 2011ka.

Madawxyne Obama ayaa sheegay in  hawsha cusub ee uu Maraykanku ka qaban doono Ciraaq ay tahay  taageeridda iyo la talinta ciidamada ammanka ee ciraaq, iyo sdii ciidamadaas looga taageeri lahaa la dagaalanka argagxisada.

Madaxweyne Obama ayaa khudbada xalay ku sheegay in qaar ka mid ah ciidmada Ciraaq ka baxaya loo qaadi doono Afghanistan oo uu dagaalka lagula jiro Taalibaan ku dhowyahay in uu toban jirsado.

Madaxweyne Obama ayaa sheegay in hadda ka dib awoodda la saari doono dib u soo noolaynta dhaqaalaha maraykanka, iyo soo celinta malaayin fursado shqo oo ku lumay hoos u dhacii dhaqaale ee maraykanka Saameeyay.

Gees Kale Cawil Cismaan Baxnaan oo ka mid ahaa Soomaalida la soo shaqaysay Ciidmada maraykanka ee Ciraaq ayaa VOAda uga warramay sida ay dadka reer Ciraaq u arkayaan bixitaanka ciidamada Ciraaq, Cawil waxa uu sidoo kale ka warramay waxyaabihii uu kala kulmay intii uu la shaqaynayay ciidmada Maraykanka ee Ciraaq.

Warbixin iyo waraysi arrintaasi ku saabsan ka dhegayso qaybta hoose ee boggan.

THE COLLAPSE of the authoritarian government in Somalia in 1990 has been the catalyst of enormous change both at a personal, and at an institutional level with the emergence of clan-based regional states. No one can fault these regional groups for their desire to do better in the absence of a central authority, and for having aspirations for political expression. But, the hasty formation of these ethnic enclaves tends to respond to the calamity of Somalia in silos, often lacks deliberative and transparent processes, and presents the issue as mere functional problem of lack of a central government and how to fix it. This raises a number of concerns over the presumed benefits of clan-based regional states, reinforcement of clan loyalty, and more importantly their “optimal units of collective choice.”  

A variety of factors are in-play when one seeks to decipher whether the right choices were made in the formation of clan-based regional states in Somalia including the recent forfeited regional independence; claims of political exclusion and oppression; the agenda of few elites and ambitious single-minded leaders. Appreciating the historical import and traditional factors of Somali society, and the modern concept of regional statehood, requires us to analyze the issue of regional states in Somalia decisively and boldly, and beyond the simple functional problem of lack of a central authority. Any analysis of this matter should be informed by local and regional factors.

Ethnicity and clan loyalty is deeply entrenched in the cultures and traditions of all Somalis, and have been on the rise since the demise of the last central government. To a large degree, clan politics has encouraged the formation of clan-based regional states in Somalia causing all ethnic groups to devote large resources to make sure their group is mobilized, often at the expense of other groups. Decisions that are made by distinctive groups would only be representative of particular groups’ preference, and often hostile and in an unwise quest in increasing the welfare of their members relative to that of others. The lack of risk analysis, participatory and consultative decisions making process that has been the trademark of many decisions to form regional states in Somalia should not be taken lightly by individual groups involved. It should be weighted carefully against inherent risk of clan supremacy, the dilemma associated when parties are only presented with two choices-form a regional state, or doom as a clan with the intent to manipulate the outcome, and many other important and unattended issues of shared resources, regional-central relationship, and regional instability.     

The newly formed regional states in Somalia have little or no previous statehood experiences. Their creation and boundaries are arbitrary at most, and lacks clear, deliberate and due process. Compounding the current difficulties is the absence informed citizens, lack of democratic institutions, and the nomadic nature of Somalis who might not pay much attention to border demarcation lines. The mixed family composition nature of Somali families due to inter-marriage also tends to enforce cross-border movement of individuals from various regions. All these factors combined to create a complex case of territorial claims and counter claims, poorly conceived regional states, disruption of some commerce lines, access difficulties to families and friends due to travel restrictions, and above all a nation crying for clarity of purpose and leadership. The recent skirmishes at Soul and Sanag, the border dispute between Puntland and Somaliland, the quest for Galmudug and the tension in Galka’ayo, clashes over Somali flag waving groups in Borama, and current round-up of southerners in Puntland are all telling signs of unattended crises due to hastily formed clan based communal states.

Although some of these regions enjoyed relative security compared to other regions, early rhetoric of the presumed benefits of regional states as being a vehicle of larger stability in Somalia has largely not materialized. There are credible evidences that the current clan-based regional states contributed to the creation of new dynamics of multiple deadlocks, accelerated race for group dominance, “Pareto-inferior noncoopertive outcome”, and what Thomas Hobbes called Bellum omnium contra omnes, the war of all against all in his ground breaking work of Leviathan. Moreover, the emergence of shadow economy, powerful clan merchants, and war profiteers seem to facilitate the creation of ethnic enclaves under the name of regional governments. .

The principal argument advanced here is that the hasty formation of clan-based regional states in Somalia without a national dialogue has resulted in the creation of a political situation that is not appropriate for cooperative outcome, and an environment that lacks trust and tolerance. The current state is a recipe for precarious and dangerous forces of clan supremacy and non-mosaic society that are inconsistent with the principles of Islamic teaching, modern statehood, democracy and human rights.  This proposition is not in conflict with the use of regional autonomy as a vehicle for ending political exclusion and clan humiliation that was the trademark of the last authoritarian government. But, a serious and sustained effort to work out Modus Vivendi within the existing Somali social norms and the use of modern conflict resolution tools has not been attempted thus far. And as such, the establishment of unfettered clan-based regional states in Somalia at this stage is geo-strategically unwise, politically premature, and morally detrimental.   The author has a number of appointments including Resident Harvard Administrative Fellow; staff Environmental Management Engineer at Harvard University; researcher at University of Massachusetts Lowell where he conducts research on the nexus of sustainability and safety. In addition, he is appointed Commissioner of City of Lowell Green Building Commission.